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minds of the Creeks, he was not neglect ful of the use and application of weights. He made figures to illustrate the construction of steelyards, on a piece of paper. He explained this to one woman, and after making her comprehend it, handed it to another. And by ascertaining the weight of hogs, and other things, which used always to be sold by tale, and reducing them to chalks or quarter dollars, he made his learners understand that a heavy hog was worth more than a light one; and by actually paying them in proportion to the weight, demonstrated to them the difference in value between things heretofore rated alike. This gave them great satisfaction, and made them more careful to fat their hogs. The like happened in respect to corn. This was formerly sold by the varying quantity of a basket full, till Mr. H. in structed them in the use of an established and unvarying measure, the half bushel; taught them to reduce such a measure to a certain weight by the steelyard; and then again to calculate this weight in chalks or quarter dollars.

At the same time, as much pains was taken as possible to instruct the boys and girls about the agent's house, and in his family, in the practice of the English tongue. In like manner the Indian children who lived with his negroes, were taught to speak our tongue. But all this was accomplished by rote, and without the sight or mention of a book.

Progressing in these ways, the spinning and weaving of cotton increased rapidly. There were in 1805, twenty looms in the lower, and ten among the upper towns. Of the former, twelve were wrought by Indians, and eight of them were constructed by Indians. Of the latter, three were worked by natives, and three were built by them. Three of the looms in the upper towns were kept agoing by white women for a toll which was fixed at every fifth yard. The women on the Flint river had then applied for fifty additional spinning wheels. And such was the power of example prompted by interest, that some old men and boys learned to spin and seemed to take pleasure in the exercise. In the upper towns there was at that time a demand for five more looms and one hundred and fifty more spinning wheels. Several men of the half breed, had both constructed looms and wove cloth in them, with their own hands.

Encouraged by these prospects and successes, the women appointed a time and solicited a talk with the agent. They appointed one of their venerable matrons

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to deliver the talk to him in their behalf. He met them, and in the assembly of the women, was thus addressed: "Father, we women are poor and foolish; but you, as our great father, will excuse our po verty, and pardon our folly. When white men have come into our nation, they have never studied the good of the women, nor endeavoured to better their oppressed condition. All they have hitherto done is to make our situation more wretched. They have employed every art to raise and shorten our petticoats, and have thereby left us more exposed and naked than they found us. But you, father, commiserate our condition; you pity our nakedness and weakness; you say you will instruct us to cover ourselves, and be decent and warm; you will enable us to support ourselves, so that we and our children shall be in no danger of starving in the swamps. You come to lengthen our petticoats, and extend them over us from the hips to the ankles. Father, we will follow your advice: speak and we will obey."

He by degrees encouraged them to split rails, to make fences of them, to inclose their fields, and to till them with their own hands; himself showing them how, and by his example, convincing them that it was at once respectable and useful. Among the Creeks there was a peculiar difficulty in overcoming the aver sion of the men to labour. Inured alter nately to hunting, indolence and war, they threw all the toil of domestic affairs, the carrying of burthens and the drudgery of life upon their females. It was therefore a hard lesson to make the men work at all; and particularly to assist the women in their laborious occupations. The men, however, had learned by this time, that as game grew scarce in the forests, the employments of the women and girls turned to much better account than their own, and that with their pigs, maize and cotton, the females had already rendered themselves in a good degree independent of the men. It was now that the agent advised the young women to refuse favors to their sweethearts, and the married wo men to repel the caresses of their hus bands, unless they would associate with them, and assist them in their daily la bours. This expedient though perhaps not rigidly enforced, nor in all cases adhered to, was however not without its ef fect in breaking the ferocity of the masculine temper, and reducing it to a milder and softer tone.

To enforce the necessity of industry, Mr. II. availed himself of the scantiness

and even 2000 heads. They had become very much attached to this kind of stock, and took great pains to procure them. These creatures are computed to double their numbers every three years. Their owners exchange them with the Geor

been made at more than an hundred places. In 1804, these arts were rapidly increasing. The men had also become acquainted with the tanning of hides into leather; and the making of the latter into saddles.

of provisions to give them an exhortation. Some instances had been reported of children dying of hunger, and particularly, of two little girls, as he was on his way to a conference with the chiefs. At the conference, the subject was mentioned by Mr. Cornells the interpreter, and aftergians for cloths. Butter and cheese have. some observations made by the chiefs, Mr. H. stated that these events had made a serious impression upon his mind, and on the way to the conference he had put the question to himself, who killed these little girls? This answer immediately obtruded itself; "You Mr. Hawkins, you murdered these little girls. You Efau Haiyo, Oche Haiyo, and Tushinmeggee Tellico, you murdered these little girls. You chiefs and rulers of the nation, you murdered these little girls. In all countries it is the business of the rulers to direct the labour of the community so as to support the people, and if they neglect to do it, they are answerable for the consequences. If a bear, or any man, red or white, had attempted to murder these little girls you would have risked your lives individually or collectively to save theirs. And yet you would not exert yourselves to destroy this enemy called hunger."

The presenting the subject in this dress caused some serious conversations among the Indians, and the result was that they would sow wheat, and exert themselves to destroy the enemy called hunger. Preparent to this they had in. 1804, committed to the earth one hundred and seventy-six bushels of seed; this afforded an excellent crop, and was instrumental in saving several lives. The agent furnished the seed from his own stock. The wheat crop is ripe in May. And the corn crop, which in favourable seasons is also exceedingly good, comes to maturity in June.

The speaker of the nation has his farm in good fence, staked and ridered. He cultivates his whole crop with the plough. Last year he planted about one hundred and fifty peach trees, and sowed three bushels of wheat. He had also begun the culture of cotton, and had a fine field of it; likewise a promising show of corn, potatoes, pumpkins, ground peas and beans. He had nine females of his family employed in spinning, and a loom in his house with a spring shuttle. The like was done by several other of the most considerable men, who employed the plough in agriculture, and clothed themselves in homespun.

Neat cattle were owned in large numbers by the Indians. Several of them have herds amounting to 100, 500, 1000, VOL. 1.-No. v.

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They also had negro slaves to work for them. The African temperament which bends to servitude nnder the dominion of the black and white man, submits also to the sovereignty of the red-man. Several of the more wealthy Indians hold a number of such domestics. They were rapidly acquiring a knowledge of real estates, and of the utility of holding their lands and improvements in severalty. In evidence of which, it may be mentioned that a number of them were growing solicitous about deeds and titles.

One remarkable fact concerning their progress in calculation is well worthy of notice. In teaching them the use of the steelyard, they necessarily became acquainted with arithmetical cyphers. By a little practice, not more than other persons are obliged to take, they learned the use of these signs in adding, subtracting, multiplying and dividing numbers, and became ready and correct calculators. And this they accomplished without being able to read a single letter. The symbolsof numbers being signs of ideas, were acquired with equal ease by persons of all languages, while letters or alphabetical characters being signs of simple sounds, can be comprehended by the persons only who are conversant in the tongue which they are intended to explain. A Muskagee Indian therefore, is exactly in this state of advancement; he can sum up an invoice, or bill of parcels, by virtue of his knowledge of figures, but he cannot read a word nor line of the writing on account of his total ignorance of letters.

Thus they begin to find the usefulness, and suffer the want of literature. The inconveniences and disadvantages of this situation rendered the older class, and especially those who had property, desirous of procuring a better education for their children. And under the operation of this conviction, they begun to admit schoolmasters, to make their idle and vagrant boys submit to restraint, and to receive regular instruction in reading and writing the English language.

Great solicitude however, was expressed on this subject by the chiefs. Several of their young men had been educated from home, among and by the white people, and had returned into the nation, completely ruined for all the purposes of usefulness at home. They had acquired such a contempt for the Indian life and manners, that they violated the customs of their forefathers, and disobeyed the rulers. Losing public confidence in this manner, they were suffered to wander and prowl through the nation, without being taken notice of, or suffered to have a share in its government. There was no small analogy between these youths, and those of our own nation who go to Europe for instruction. They but too often acquire foreign manners and habits, conceive a dislike for their country, its inhabitants and institutions, and oftentimes mar their own happiness, and turn out useless to the public. So an Indian lad, educated among white people, has never in any instance been known to say one word in recommendation of the wheel, the loom or the plough, of useful arts, or domestic manufactures, or, in short, of any thing conducive to the general welfare. On the contrary, their discourse principally turns on the extravagance in which they lived, and the dissipations in which they shared; but they utter not a sentence on the condition of the greater part of their species, and of the human race who are doomed to live by labour. But education in their own country, of the kind which their state of society requires, and to the degree called for by their actual need, will gradually creep in and be followed by the most salutary changes in their situation.

In many of the villages, particularly of the Lower Creeks, the natives had already made considerable progress in the silver-smith's business. Ornaments of silver, such as spurs, broaches, rings, silver beads, ornaments for the ears and nose, armbands and wristbands were manufactured to a considerable extent. Considerable steps had also been taken in the gun-smith's art, particularly in stocking the pieces, and doing some of the work about the locks.

'These are some of the leading features of Mr. Hawkins' mode of treating these uncivilized tribes, and leading them on from rudeness toward refinement. Indeed, the business of civilizing Indians, however problematical it may once have

seemed, was deemed to have been in a

train of successful progress. There came in 1805 a deputation of eighteen

Cherokees to the seat of the national government; they were all men of property, and lived, when at home, on enclosed and cultivated farms. They were clad after our manner, in homespun cloth of their own spinning, dyeing and weaving. And several of them speak our tongue. I have seen letters written by Cherokee girls of the half-breed, as well expressed, and in as good a hand as our young fe males write.

I might relate to you what other measures had been adopted to instil into the minds of these people more correct notions and practises of civil and criminal law, than the barbarous and bloody policy they formerly pursued. The agent had progressed so far as to take punishment out of the hands of the irritated individual, and inflict it upon the offender by the public arm. And he had instituted a court of law, where substantial justice was speedily obtained by a trial upon the naked merits of the case.

The influence of music was tried with remarkable benefit among the Cherokees. The young women had clothed themselves handsomely, after our manner, in cotton fabrics of their own manufacture. They then were qualified to dance to the times of the violin. Care was taken to teach the steps, figures and gestures of the white people. They soon became active and graceful dancers. This had a surprising effect upon the young men. For they were excluded from the company, unless they would dress themselves in a decent manner. The attire and the occasion obliged them to behave themselves properly. And thus were their manners

softened and refined.

On surveying the efforts of theological missionaries ever since the settlement of our country, it is truly lamentable that they have done so little. Generally speaking, their labours, even those of the early and zealous Jesuits, have been lost or misapplied. Many of our considerate and contemplative men have altogether despaired of either civilizing or christianizing the savages. It now appears what is the cause of so many and such lamentable failures. We discern wherefore, with such mighty efforts, so small an amount of good has been done.

Missionary individuals and societies have begun the work at the wrong end. They have attempted to instil the doctrines of a sublime religion, before they introduced arts and manufactures, and before they ted man, and made bin a settled and domestic animal. And while they proceeded in this way, they either

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Sketch of a Journey to Paris in the Autumn of 1802, during the Peace of Amiens; in a series of Original Letters, written from memory, by a Lady, in 1810. DEAR II.

We left Dover at about twelve o'clock, on Thursday morning, the 26th of August, 1802, and, in less than two hours, arrived in sight of the harbour of Calais, but were not able to land until eleven at night, on account of the deficiency of water. The sea was extremely rough, and the beating against wind and tide rendered our voyage tedious and unpleasant; although, I must confess, I was much amused with the different characters in the vessel, the greater part of whom, were going to see France, and judge of the French, by a few hours ramble round Calais, when (if I judge not too harshly.) their astonishment at every thing different from what they had met with in England, must have precluded all possibility of impartial judgment and observation. When our vessel, which was named the True Briton, made the harbour, we were obliged to cross a great number of others before we could land; this effected, we were surrounded by waiters from the different inns, with lanterns, each soliciting us to go to their master's house. Some officers of the customs also requested our attendance, and we entered a miserable place, somewhat resembling a barn, near the pier; here our names were written in a book, and our small parcels examined, and we were desired to attend again on the following morning, to be present at the opening of our trunks. should here observe, that the weather was extremely unfavourable, the night was dark, the streets dirty, and it rained very fast; the inhabitants had sought shelter in their respective homes, and the town appeared deserted and gloomy. We at last arrived at the great gate, at which we knocked, and were asked on the other side, "who we were," and "what was our business?" Having received satisfactory answers, we were

I

permitted to enter, and again our names were written, and also from whence we came. These trifling matters arranged, we were conducted by our guides to the City of London Inn; the refreshment offered to us was soups. To English teadrinkers, this appeared rather unseasonable, but we had made up our minds to conform to every custom, and not to make trifles difficulties. The accommodation was very good-a night's rest refreshed us after the fatigues of our voyage, and we were anxious to see every thing worthy of notice in Calais. The first place we went to was the customhouse, where we were treated very politely; (as this is not often the case, I thought fit to observe it,) we afterwards went to the police office, were our passports were signed. The day being uncommonly serene, we were advised to visit the Tour de Guet, a high building, similar to the monument in London, from which we clearly observed the white cliffs of old England, and though the pleasure arising from novelty had made me leave it without a single regret, yet the reflections that a few days would take me still farther from my native land, rather depressed my spirits: but new objects which attracted my attention every moment, soon made me forget my sorrows, and almost that such a place existed. The town of Calais is not extensive, but strongly fortified. The form I conceive to be somewhat triangular; the citadel is large, and secured by fosses filled by the sea. population appeare great, and it is a pity that destructive war should so much bave diminished the commerce of a place, which seems so well situated for its purposes. The houses are tolerable, some very good, the streets wide but badly forined. Many of the buildings have suffered much from the revolution, and some of the inhabitants themselves were sinking under the evils it had caused them. The beautiful edifice of Notre Dame, still remains, notwithstanding the various changes it underwent at that period. In one part, religious ceremonies were performed, and in another was erected a temple to reason. Op every public building was the motto of "Liberté, Egalité, and Fraternité." I should now imagine, l'Empereur Français, would be the only inscription, as Liberté and Egalité are unknown to Buonaparte, such a molto must be as inconsistent as the inscription which was printed at the head of thefr official papers when I was at Paris, viz. "Buonaparte Empereur de la Republique Français." When we returned to

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our inn, we were informed that dinner was ready, and we were placed at a long table called the table d'hôte. To each person was placed a bottle of wine and a decanter of water, and a piece of bread, which I thought alone sufficient for a reasonable person's dinner. The first course consisted of soups, the second of roast and boiled, the third of made dishes, and the fourth of vegetables, which are never eaten with the meat. We had afterwards an elegant dessert, and music was playing during our repast in an adjoining room; the charge was three livres, or two shillings and sixpence English money, for each person. I observed in the inn-yard, after dinner, a curious carriage, on which was written Paris-Diligence, though from its appearance, it ought rather to have borne any other name. I exclaimed "I am glad I am not forced to ride in such an one," when a gentleman who was with us, said "that is the coach in which you will proceed, so pray do not condemn it." It was necessary to mount a ladder in order to get into it, thus you can easily judge of its height, the width is in proportion, and there are only two small panes of glass, called windows. Disgusted with the appearance of this vehicle, I dreaded the next day's journey. After having paid a few visits to some persons, for whom we had letters, we returned to the inn, and retired at an early hour, that we might be ready to depart at four o'clock the next morning.

L.M. B.

Suppose us scated in the Paris Diligence-having just left the inn-yard, where we had nearly been stunned with the repeated cries of "bon voyage! heureux voyage." Our party consisted of my mother, myself, the lady to whose house we were going; a daughter of Mr. Smith the artist, a lively little girl, who, to make use of a French expression had beaucoup d'esprit; and an Italian gentleman, who really was a most sensible and agreeable companion, and having frequently travelled from England to Paris, was enabled to point out to our notice, many things which we might other wise have passed without observing. Next, was an inanimate English lady, whose faculties seemed absorbed in apathy; and lastly, a lady who talked incessantly, but I must add, though I do not wish to be thought severe, her conversation was neither edifying nor agreeable. In the Cabriolet were three gentlemen. On the roof was the guide-the horses were har nessed with thick ropes.

The first place we arrived at worthy of particular attention was Bologne, from whence we had a delightful sea view. There was a small fleet of flat bottomed boats in the harbour. It was market day and the town was extremely gay. We remained there near two hours, and observed several buildings which had been much injured by cannon balls during the time of Nelson's command off Bologne. The dress of the market and inferior class of women throughout Picardy, is very strange. They wear large caps, short jackets, and wooden shoes, and a very large gold cross, suspended from the neck. This last they consider as a necessary appendage to their dress, and would make the greatest sacrifice, in order to obtain so valuable and indispensable an ornament. Hunger had made us rather anxious to return to the inn, and after having taken a farewell of the English cliffs, which, fron the clearness of the weather, we could plainly discern, and having received a summons from our smart postillion, with his immense jack-boots, we re-ascended the Diligence, which contrary to the name it bore, proceeded but slowly.

We were told at Abbeville, that this town was formerly well fortified and car ried on a great trade, but that the revolution had reduced it from its former state of opulence to poverty, and that the inhabitants were sinking fast under the misery which oppressed them. We only remained at this place till the horses were changed, therefore, I can give but a very imperfect account of it. We stop ped three hours at Amiens. I was much pleased with this town-it has a cathe dral, the gothic architecture of which, has been very generally admired. The city is large and tolerably clean, the streets are wide, and I observed one or two good squares: I was told there were sev eral. The inns and attendance were much better here than at Abbeville. I cannot compare the villages of France to those in England; instead of that air of cleanliness and comfort so frequently seen among the English cottagers, the dire effects of the revolutionary horrors are too visibly manifested. These scenes could not afford us any pleasure, and pity was, at last, all we could offer, for our charity was supplicated as continually as we passed through them, while each tale of woe seemed more affecting than the last, and though they extolled the liberality of mi-lord Anglois, bad our purses been ever so long and abundantly filled, they must have been exhausted long be fore every petitioner could have been

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