by the rank we are going to take in the political order of the world, as well as of the powerful influence of forms and customs to which, unfortunately, we have been long used; we at the same time know that the

shameful submission to them, when we can

throw them off, would be still more ignominious for us, and fatal to our posterity, than our long and painful slavery; and, that it now becomes an indispensable duty to provide for our own preservation, security, and happiness, by essentially varying all the forms of our former constitution.

"Considering, therefore, that by the reasons thus alleged, we have satisfied the respect which we owe to the opinions of the human race, and the dignity of other nations, into the number of which we now enter, and on whose communication and friendship we rely; we, the representatives of the united provinces of Venezuela, calling on the Supreme Being to witness the justice of our proceedings, and the rectitude of our intentions, do implore his divine and celestial help; and ratifying, at the moment in which we are raised to the dignity which he restores to us, the desire we have of living and dying free, and of believing and defending the holy catholic and apostolic religion of Jesus Christ. We, therefore, in the name and authority which we hold from the virtuous people of Venezuela, declare solemnly to the world, that its united provinces are, and ought to be, from this day, by act and right, free, sovereign, and independent states; and that they are absolved from every submission and dependence on the throne of Spain, or on those who do, or may call themselves its agents or representatives; and, that a free and independent state, thus constituted, has full power to take that form of government which may be conformable to the general will of the people; to declare war, make peace, form alliances, regulate treaties of commerce, limits, and navigation, and to do and transact every act in like manner as other free and independent states. And that this our solemn declaration may be held valid, firm, and durable, we hereby mutually bind each province to the other, and pledge our lives, fortunes, and the sacred tie of our national honour. Done in the federal palace of Caraccas. Signed by our own hands, sealed with the great provisional seal of the confederation, and countersigned by the secretary of congress, this 5th day of July, 1811, the first of our independence.

"JUAN ANTONIO RODRIGUEZ DOMINGUEZ, President.

LUIS IGNACIO MENDOZA,

Vice-President. "FRANCISCO ISNARDY, Secretary.' Similar declarations were made in Mexico, and in Carthagena, Socorro, Tunja, Pamplona, Antioquia, and the other provinces, which composed the confederation of New-Grenada, and, latterly, by the congress of Buenos Ayres."

In 1811 the British government offered its mediation between the contending parties; but its endeavours proved unsuccessful. The following were the conditions first proposed by its commissioners as the basis of reconciliation:

1st. The revolting provinces, las provincias disidentes, shall swear allegiance to the cortes and regency, and nominate their deputies to the cortes.

"2dly. Hostilities between the armies shall be suspended, and all prisoners released.

"3dly. That the cortes shall duly attend to the complaints of the Spanish Americans. 4thly. That the commissioners shall render an account of the progress and effect of the mediation eight months from its commencement.

5thly. While the mediation continues, the cortes are to allow a free trade between England and the rebelling provinces.

6thly. The mediation must be concluded in fifteen months.

7thly. If the commissioners are not successful in prevailing with the Spanish Americans to accede to the terms proposed, the

English government engages to assist Spain to subdue them by force.

8thly. The Spanish government, for the support of its own honour, is openly to declare to the English minister, those reasons which have induced the cortes to accept of their mediation.'"

amended and enlarged in the following These conditions were subsequently

manner:

"Ist. That there should be a cessation of hostilities between Spain and Spanish America.

2dly. An amnesty shall be granted, and perfect oblivion of all acts, or even opinions that may have been expressed, by the Spanish Americans against the Spaniards or their government.

"3dly. That the cortes shall confirm and enforce all the rights of the Spanish Americans, and that they shall be allowed justly and liberally their representatives in the cortes.

"4thly. That Spanish America should be permitted perfect freedom for commerce, though some degree of preference may be allowed to Spain.

"5thly. That the appointments of viceroys, governors, &c. shall be given indiseriminately to South Americans and Spaniards.

8thly. That Spanish America shall acknowledge the sovereignty possessed by the cortes, as representing Ferdinand the Seventh.

9thly. That Spanish America shall pledge herself to maintain a mutual and friendly intercourse with the peninsula.

10thly. That Spanish America shall oblige herself to co-operate with the cortes and the allies of Spain to preserve the peninsula from the power of France.

11thly. That Spanish America shall pledge herself to send liberal succour to the peninsula for the continuance of the war.'" In this form the conditions were taken into consideration by the cortes, and debated upon with closed doors. Several days were consumed in the discussion, on the termination of which, the proposed mediation was rejected, principally, it was averred, because the interference of Britain had not been solicited by the provinces, and that her views in tendering it were selfish and sinister.

And, in truth, we do not think that the cortes, in this instance, were much in the wrong. The conduct of the British ministry with respect to the great and interesting question of South-American independence, must, we think, be allowed on all hands to be sufficiently equivocal. That it was ever animated by a higher impulse than mere expediency suggested, we can scarcely bring ourselves to credit. That it ever nourished within its bosom the noble and generous wish to foster the budding liberties of the colonies, and to stand forth as their protector in the fierce and magnanimous strife which has ensued; that it was sincerely and anxiously desirous to stretch forth a hand in their cause, or to empley the slightest portion of the immense resources of Britain in strengthening the arm of transatlantic freedom, would, we fear, be a delusiona pleasing one, we grant, but still a delusion. It is not fitting the dignity of rational beings to be imposed upon by highsounding names and unrealized professions. Truth and candour are the first qualifications of a public writer, and in that capacity we conceive it our duty to declare that we do not discern in the negotiations of the British government, either with the provinces, or old Spain, any traces of a liberal and beneficent policy. When, indeed, the mother-country seemed to be the firm and fast ally of France, it suited the views of the British cabinet to hold out to the colonists prospects of the most flattering nature; and incitements to insurrection, and assur

ances of the most active support in any measures they might adopt for the assertion of their rights, were daily flowing from the lips of its agents. But for all this apparent magnanimity, the cause is really too clear and positive to allow even the most charitably disposed to doubt for a moment. To annoy France, and deprive her of part of the benefits she derived from her connexion with Spain, was unquestionably the principal stimulus with the cabinet of St. James. But as soon as the alliance between the two countries is broken up, and Ferdinand, through the regency established during his absence, becomes the friend of England, all this enthusiasm vanishes, and "His Britannic Majesty has strong reasons for hoping that the" South-Americans "will acknowledge the authority of the regency of Spain."* Nay, so warm does the friendship between the two kings become in a short time, that in case the colonies reject the terms proposed by the English commissioners, his said majesty is perfectly willing to employ those very arms which were formerly engaged to support the independence of the provinces, in assisting" Spain to subdue them by force." Now this, we think, is very amusing, and affords an interesting and, indeed, beautiful specimen of that happy flexibility in politics and principle which is the high and precious endowment of Legitimacy-a neat, pretty little word, by the way, and elegantly expressive of the host of blessings which the genius of its inventors has brought upon the old world, and which their benevolence would fain introduce into the new.

The declaration of the Venezuelian congress was soon followed by more active proceedings. While the mediation of Britain was in a course of discussion,

"The arms of the revolutionary government had obtained important advantages in the new continent. They possessed that whole territory which comprised Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, and New-Grenada, with the exception of a few fortified places and some provinces; and the Mexican patriots obtained possession of many places in the interior of Mexico, under Morelos, Rayon, Victoria, and others. Some plan for revolt had been discovered in the capital of Mexi co, and even Lima had been threatened with insurrection."

The war proceeded with alternate success till the return of Ferdinand to Spain, who,

"In his decrce of the 4th of June, 1814, announced to the South-Americans his re

* See lord Liverpool's Letter to general Layard, governor of Curacoa (June 29, 1810).

turn to his country, and ordered that they should lay down their arms. Soon after an army was equipped in Cadiz, and Morillo appointed its commander. Ten thousand men chosen from the best troops in Spainan armament such as had never before been seen on the coast of Venezuela-appeared before Carupano in the middle of April, 1815. Alarm was now spread among those who had been fighting for the cause of independence. All hopes of reconciliation were abandoned, and the revolt in Spanish Ame rica, against the authority of Ferdinand the Seventh, dates from this period,

"From Carupano, general Morillo procceded to Margarita, from thence to Caraccas, and in the following August he besieged Carthagena. The dissentions between Bolivar and Castillo, both commanders of the South-American forces, had lessened the means of defence which Carthagena possessed, and even deprived it of supplies of provisions. The inhabitants, nevertheless, supported by near two thousand reguJar troops, prepared themselves for a vigorous resistance. The only attack upon the town, or rather upon Lapopa, which commands the town, was made the 11th of November, when the assailants were repulsed. Provisions, however, began to fail, and the vessels which approached the harbour were taken by the Spanish ships of war which blockaded the port. More than three thousand persons died actually of famine. To attempt a longer resistance was vain. The 5th of December, 1815, the governor and garrison of Carthagena evacuated the place, and the following morning the king's troops

entered.

"In possession of Carthagena, general Morillo was enabled to conquer New-Grenada, which his army did in the following manner:-Calzada, with part of Morillo's forces left at Caraccas, invaded the provinces of Pamplona and Tunja; another division penetrated through the provinces of Antioquia and Popayan; and the commander in chief went up the river Magda lena, nearly as far as Sanbartolome. Part of his troops proceeded up the river as far as the town of Honda; but Morillo took the road towards Ocana and Sangil, in the province of Socorro. The royal troops had many skirmishes with the independents, in which the advantage was always on the side of the king's forces. At last, the battle of Cachiri was fought, and in it fell the best of the troops and officers who had supported the congress of New-Grenada. In consequence of this defeat the congress separated, and the few remaining troops, having abandoned the scene of action, took the road of Los Llanos, commanded by the generals Cerviez and Ricaute.

"General Morillo entered Santa Fè de Bogota in the month of June, 1816, and remained there till November. More than six hundred persons, of those who had composed the congress and the provincial governments, as well as the chiefs of the independent army,

were shot, hanged, or exiled; and the prisons remained full of others who were yet waiting their fate. Among those executed were the botanists Don J. Caldas and Don J. Lozano, who had been ordered by the congress of NewGrenada to publish the works of Dr. Mutis; Don J. M. Cabal, a distinguished chymist; Don C. Torres, a man distinguished for his learning; Don J. G. Gutierrez Moreno, and Don M. R. Torices, both well known for hav ing been entirely devoted to the cause of their country; Don Antonio Maria Palacio-faxar, Don J. M. Gutierrez, Don Miguel Pombo, D. F. A. Ulloa, and many other learned and valuable characters. The wives of persons executed or exiled by Morillo were themselves exiled too."

It would be of little interest to our readers to wade through the sanguinary details of this dreadful and murderous struggle. With the atrocities committed by the officers acting in the name of Ferdinand, we are all, unfortunately, but too familiar. In the commencement of the war, the patriots, as was to be expected, length of the contest has, in all probabiwere frequently defeated, but the very lity, been productive of the greatest advantage to them, and by inuring them to martial discipline, and the fatigues and hardships of war, ensured the ultimate and speedy triumph of as noble and animating a cause as can possibly fire the heart of man. Defeat, sickness, famine, and desertion seem to have thinned the Spanish ranks to a degree that authorizes fectual hostility on the part of the royalists. the supposition of the futility of any efand consolidation in South-America of a We look forward to the establishment system of republics, that with such an example before them as is presented by these states, bids fair to secure to their citizens all the rights, privileges, and advantages which ought to be the portion of all civilized societies. In some of their communities a regular form of governand though we shall not enter into the ment appears to be already established, discussion of the policy to be pursued by the United States with regard to the new republics, we cannot refrain from expressing our hope that the northern and southern divisions of the new world will be knit together in the closest bonds of a strict and high-principled friendship; and that as in Europe, her rulers have entered into a League for the oppression of their subjects, the free communities of America may unite in a SACRED ALLIANCE for the protection of those pure and holy principles, the assertion of which has rescued so large and fair a portion of the globe from the fangs of a base and foreign tyranny.

G

which have lately been established in the United States, the Academy of Philadelphia, appears to have been one of the most industrious, having within a few years collected a valuable Museum of natural productions, a handsome library, a philosophical apparatus, and many important papers. Some of these last communications are now published in this volume, which may be considered as the first part of the transactions of that society. Following the example of the Philomatic Society of Paris, it has begun for the first time in our country to publish periodically such transactions in the shape of a monthly journal. This mode is peculiarly suitable to the purpose of spreading with rapidity new discoveries, and retains, at the same time, all the advantages of casual or regular volumes, into which they may be divided after a competent series is issued.

In the introduction, it is stated, that the society meant to publish a few pages whenever it appeared that materials worthy of publication should be put into its possession, without professing to make any formal periodical communications; yet, having begun in May, 1817, the journal has been continued monthly until December, when it has been interrupted after completing a volume; but with the intention of being renewed pretty soon to begin a second part.

Many of the papers introduced into this volume, are highly interesting, and contain much valuable and new matter, which we mean to take up in successive order; but before we undertake this, we shall venture some general remarks upon the whole tenor of these collective labours. The first peculiarity that surprised us on perusal, was the small number of contributors to this journal, only five names are affixed to the twenty tracts and papers included in this volume; whether no more than five members of the Academy, were able to afford materials worthy of the public eye, or whether that institution was unable or unwilling to select the papers of any other author, is immaterial in itself to the present purpose, since both circumstances, would militate severely against the capability of that society, and might invalidate more or less the respectable opinion we should have conceived of it. It had invited, in the first number of the journal, contributions from all the

correctly informed, several valuable papers, containing new discoveries, which were forwarded in compliance with that request and in conformity to the directions given, were refused admittance in that publication. In that case an evident partiality for a few members of the society, would be thoroughly discernible : such a partiality accounts for the singularity now under notice, but ought not by any means to prevail in any periodical publication, and much less in one of the present nature. If the society could not pass a correct judgment upon the papers presented for publication, it would of course prove itself unable to conduct the task which it has assumed; but whereas it appears that it considers itself responsible for the doctrines and facts of every tract introduced and published, a very unusual responsibility indeed, it certainly follows that it ought to scrutinize, very minutely, every paper meant for publication. That it has not always complied with this necessary scrutiny, we shall have abundant proofs when we proceed to the successive investigation of the tracts already published: wherefore we cannot do less than express our astonishment at the assumption of such a responsibility. It is a general custom with nearly all the learned societies of Europe and America, to disclaim any collective responsibility for the tracts which they insert in their Transactions; but they leave it altogether upon the authors of each respective memoir. It would would have been advisable for the members of the Academy of Philadelphia, to have imitated that custom; but since they have thought otherwise, we shall take them upon their own ground, and consider the labours now published, as belonging to their collective capacity, and having passed the test of an accurate scrutiny.

We are exceedingly sorry that, in so doing, we shall often feel the necessity of censuring some parts of their labours, and that the inaccuracies and errors which we may notice, will reflect upon the whole Academy, many of the members of which, we are well aware, will concur with us in our remarks, and ought not to be con. sidered as guilty of the whole, since they have probably never been consulted, Any author, even of the most consummate experience and efficient ability, is occasionally liable to commit some mistakes,