one of its most powerful weapons in the class struggle. If in the stirring times that are before us the same enthusiasm and devotion, that through the years have been given to the battles of capitalism can be turned into intelligent fighting for the working class a long step towards victory will have been taken. There is going to be need of daring and heroism and class patrotism (if such a phrase is not a contradiction) in the class struggle, and it is these batallions of the young who must furnish these elements.

A second and to a certain degree a somewhat analogous movement is the wide spread organization and the renewed activity of the women of the working class. For years the declaration for universal suffrage unrestricted by sex has stood as a sort of Platonic phrase in all Socialist platforms. But the party as such has taken little active interest in pushing this demand. It is significant that in all the wealth of socialist propaganda literature that has appeared in the United States during the past three years there is not a single pamphlet or leaflet bearing principally upon this point.

Moreover many Socialist women who were ardent woman suffragists have been inclined to give their energies to the support of bourgious "Women's Rights" organization rather than to the campaign within the Socialist Party. This was true not only in the United States but in many other countries.

But the last few years has shown a striking change in this respect. As the army of working women grew larger and began to organize economically into unions and show a growing solidarity with the working-class movement it became apparant that the women who were going to make the first and most effective use of the ballot were working women,—and that they were going to use that ballot in the interest of their own class.

At once there was a striking change of front on the part of the bourgeois woman's movement. In every country they began to ask that a partial suffrage be granted, generally with some sort of a property qualification. For a very short time some of the workingwomen, and even a few socialists were mislead. This new move was held out as a "first step," as "something right now" which would make easier the attainment of universal suffrage for women. But quickly the whole scheme became apparant. Whenever such a suffrage was granted it at once became another bulwart of reaction,-not a stepping stone to better things, but an almost insuperable obstacle to further progress. The class struggle entered the woman's movement.

At once new life arose in the genuine working woman's movement. The rise of working-class organizations of women demanding complete and unrestricted suffrage regardless of sex has been a striking feature of almost every country since the Congress at Amsterdam three years ago. The remarkable result of the Finish elections, which enabled that country to send the first woman delegate to an international Socialist Congress, who was also a member of a national

parliament had an electric effect on this phase of the Socialist movement throughout Europe, and indeed throughout the world.

As a result there are few reports to the Congress that do not tell of multiplied activity in this field. Sweden has succeeded in obtaining suffrage for women in municipal elections and has sent some women into municipal offices upon the Socialist ticket. England is convulsed with the struggle for the right to vote for women and although with the well known English characteristic to compromise there is still some alliance with the former woman's movement yet on the whole it is a distinctly working-class and Socialist agitation, and must necessarily be still more so since the Congress rejected all the compromise proposals of the English delegation.

In all countries it is the women themselves who are carrying on the battle and who no longer ask for favors, even from a socialist party but are demanding and taking what is theirs and who are forcing the socialist organizations to recognize and work for this long neglected plank in their platform.

The third, and perhaps most striking general phenomena which appears in almost every country is one which is more difficult to define, but which is none the less equally certain and perhaps even more significant than the other two. This is what might be designated as a general revolt against pure parliamentarism and a demand for more immediate definite and direct revolutionary action. Almost every delegation came to the Congress with one or more delegates who were looked upon more or less as enfants terrible, or if they were not represented in the Congress there was some complaint of, or at least a reference to, their existence in the written reports submitted.

In France it was Herve and the syndicalists who gave repeated electric shocks to the proceedings and who were generally promptly rebuked, but were ever unabashed and sometimes found an amount of support that was unexpected. These same forces displayed considerable strength in Italy and indeed in all the Latin countries and undoubtedly influenced the wording of the military resolution at least, to a far greater extent than had been anticipated.

But this movement is not confined to the Latin countries. Even Germany, where the revolution itself has been made almost conventional, with all its metes and bounds most carefully staked out with clearly drawn Marxian premises, is feeling the new movement. There are many of the older ones who look with something of disapproval upon "young Liebkneckt's" daring attack on militarism and there is still much talk of general strike and other things that would scarcely have been mentioned in polite Socialist circles five years ago.

In Holland, where the socialist deputies have been largely elected from country districts and where all has been decidedly reformist, a new revolutionary movement within the Party has gained such strength that it is only a question of a year or so when they will

be in control of the party. Here too the general strike has been tried and although it is claimed by its opponents to have failed, there is still much talk of such methods and of the ineffectiveness of purely parliamentary methods.

Sweden too has been trying new weapons in the class struggle since the last international Congress and has a movement within the Socialist ranks calling for more direct revolutionary action.

But it is from Russia, the nation where the revolution is even now in progress that the greatest inpulse has been received. Russia has not only added overwhelming proof to the already great mass of evidence tending to show that the old maxim of Socialist action"General strike is general nonsense" is in itself a good deal of nonsense, but Russia has also demonstrated by the Moscow insurrection that Marx was wrong when he said that the coming of the machine gun marked the end of barricades and violent popular revolutionary uprisings. Russia has shown that there is no weapon which the proletariat can afford to lay completely out of its reach as inapplicable in its battle for freedom. Russia has also shown that these various weapons so far from being contradictory or mutually exclusive are to a certain extent complementary and may be co-ordinated into one general tactic of class warfare.

Instead of the revolutionary army being split up into unionists, terrorists, parliamentarians etc. the best minds in Russia are seeking to co-ordinate organize and utilize all these methods,—each in the place and time for which it is suited.

It is still too early to generalize with any certainty concerning these tendencies and especially to give any definite explanations as to the manner in which this movement will affect us in the United States. Yet some tentative suggestions may be offered.

The Socialist movement in the United States, as in many other countries, has to a certain extent got away from the class struggle. It may hold to all the theories of the class struggle as firmly as ever, indeed it may repeat the phrases more glibly than at any period in its history, yet when there is a real battle on between the forces of capitalism and the laborers, few look to see the Socialist Party play any prominent part. The one great and gratifying exception to this has been the fight for the Western Federation of Miners, and this exception is most brilliant proof of the general rule. This fight has done more for socialism in the United States than anything that has taken place since there has been a Socialist movement on this continent.

Yet we are still far from the stage where at the outbreak of every strike, or on the occasion of every outrage against the working class, the first question on every lip will be "What will the Socialist Party do?"

Yet we must reach this stage before we can claim to be the real leaders in the class struggle. It may be still true in military circles

that the directing powers sit aside upon a hill, but it is not true of the class struggle. If the Socialist Party is to earn the right to lead it must learn by doing, it must lead wherever the fight is hottest. Revolutions are never fought by phrases,-they demand deeds, action. We shall not attempt to elaborate this point further at this time, but believe that if these facts are carefully thought over we may find the reason why, when Socialist sentiment in America is growing by leaps and bounds, the Socialist Party is almost standing still.

Owing to the absence of the editor in Europe this number is not only somewhat delayed, but contains no department of Book Reviews or Foreign News. The latter, however, is amply covered in the body of the magazine, while the former will be resumed in succeeding issues. While in Europe arrangements were made for numerous articles on current subjects by leading writers. These will appear in early issues and will add to the value of the Review even above its present standard. It was interesting to note that the International Socialist Review was the only American publicaion with which European Socialists are familiar to any great degree.

THE WORLD OF LABOR

BY MAX S. HAYES

The acquittal of W. D. Haywood upon the charge of being implicated in the assassination of ex-Gov. Steunenberg was very gratifying to the working people of the country, irrespective of what or ganization they were members or whether identified with no union. From the very beginning of the persecution-the lawless kidnaping episode those workers who endeavor to keep abreast of the times became imbued with a strong suspicion that the mine-owners and their politicians and Pinkertons had hatched a conspiracy to take the lives of the three men, and it was not very difficult, therefore, for the Socialist party and progressive trade unions to arouse the country and prevent the murderous plot from being executed. This incident of the class struggle also shows how easily and naturally the workers can cease their petty bickerings and present a solid front when a crisis approaches, and proves conclusively that there need be no fear that labor will fail to rise to every occasion when the hour strikes. We may have our family troubles, disputes and hairsplitting over details, yet when labor fully understands matters it is loyal and true to its class interests.

But while the termination of the Boise trial may be satisfactory to the country as a whole, what about the outrageous and vindictive treatment that is still being meted out to George Pettibone? When Haywood was placed on trial the persecutors declared they had the strongest case against him. The signal failure of the conspirators to convict him led to the logical conclusion that the other two defendants would be discharged from custody. But to the surprise of everybody the disappointed politicians of Idaho demanded a $25,000 bond before setting Moyer at liberty, although it is generally admitted by the persecutors that they had no case against him, and poor Pettibone is being made the object upon whom the conspirators may heap their reptilian venom and revenge themselves. Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone suffered imprisonment for a year and a half while their persecutors reveled in graft. Is there to be no compensation for the miners? Apparently not. On the contrary Pettibone is to remain incarcerated for an indefinite period, innocent of crime though he undoubtedly is.

It must not be supposed that because the persecutors are quiet and refrain from giving out daily interviews, as was their policy up to close of the Haywood trial, that they are not continuing their plotting. They demand a sacrifice, and if McPartland, Gooding and Borah can take the most damaging testimony given in the Haywood trial and use it as a basis to verify the stories that may be told by some of their dastardly perjurers, they are going to "get" Pettibone. Their inglorious defeat has made Gooding, Borah and