History of Great Britain, from the Revolution, 1688, to the Concluding of the Treaty of Amiens, 1802, Bind 8R. Phillips, 1805 |
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Side 4
... dangerous duration , and in furnishing to a minister , little scrupulous of expedients , and regardless of consequences , the means of universal and unbounded corruption . Whatever palliations of the fatal system then adopted , the ...
... dangerous duration , and in furnishing to a minister , little scrupulous of expedients , and regardless of consequences , the means of universal and unbounded corruption . Whatever palliations of the fatal system then adopted , the ...
Side 5
... dangerous faction during the present reign , from the commitment of a printer , or the prosecution of a libeller , to those measures of pro- vocation and oppression terminating in a war which rent in twain and had well nigh subverted ...
... dangerous faction during the present reign , from the commitment of a printer , or the prosecution of a libeller , to those measures of pro- vocation and oppression terminating in a war which rent in twain and had well nigh subverted ...
Side 6
... unjustly accused of a fondness for innovation , or a dangerous propen- sity to tamper with the constitution by trying new and hazardous experiments . XXII . 1784 . Although the high and preposterous notions 6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN .
... unjustly accused of a fondness for innovation , or a dangerous propen- sity to tamper with the constitution by trying new and hazardous experiments . XXII . 1784 . Although the high and preposterous notions 6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN .
Side 10
... dangerous connections with their former opponents . On the secession of Mr. Fox , the earl of Shelburne called in the aid , though in a somewhat covert manner , of the Jenkinson party ; in Germany within the present century - the famous ...
... dangerous connections with their former opponents . On the secession of Mr. Fox , the earl of Shelburne called in the aid , though in a somewhat covert manner , of the Jenkinson party ; in Germany within the present century - the famous ...
Side 18
... dangerous , formidable , and increasing ascendency over the other branches of the legis lature . Mr. Fox , with his usual powers of discrimina- tion , attacked the weak and exceptionable parts of this bill , although the utmost energy ...
... dangerous , formidable , and increasing ascendency over the other branches of the legis lature . Mr. Fox , with his usual powers of discrimina- tion , attacked the weak and exceptionable parts of this bill , although the utmost energy ...
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Almindelige termer og sætninger
affirmed alarm ambassador antient appeared army Assembly Austria Austrian Netherlands bed of justice bill BOOK Britain British Burke Calonne church civil conduct confidence consequence constitution court of London court of Vienna dangerous declared decree dissenters duke Dumouriez duty emperor England established Europe executive executive government expressed France French friends happiness Hastings Holland honor house of commons house of Orange house of peers impeachment important India Ireland justice king of Prussia king's kingdom liberty lord lord Cornwallis lordship majesty measure ment minister monarch motion nation negotiation notwithstanding object occasion opinion oppression parliament passed patriotic peace person Pitt political present prince prince of Orange prince of Wales principles proceedings propositions provinces question reform reign repeal resolution respecting revenue royal Scheld sentiments session sovereign Spain speech spirit stadtholder tion treaty troops vote XXII XXIII XXIV
Populære passager
Side 344 - ... there can be but one supreme power, which is the legislative, to which all the rest are and must be subordinate, yet the legislative being only a fiduciary power to act for certain ends, there remains still in the peoples supreme power to remove or alter the legislative when they find the legislative act contrary to the trust reposed in them...
Side 416 - If we listen to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue this night the line of conduct which they prescribe, some of us may live to see a reverse of that picture, from which we now turn our eyes with shame and regret.
Side 293 - The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained, and on condition of a previous just indemnity.
Side 559 - I beg leave to add, that their ideas are formed on the supposition that his Majesty's illness is only temporary, and may be of no long duration. It may be difficult to fix, beforehand, the precise period for which...
Side 292 - X. No man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on account of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the public order established by the law.
Side 341 - is almost the only lawful king in the world, because the only one who owes his crown to the choice of his people.
Side 350 - When it shall be said in any country in the world, my poor are happy: neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them; my jails are empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars; the aged are not in want, the taxes are not oppressive; the rational world is my friend, because I am the friend of its happiness: when these things can be said, then may that country boast of its constitution and its government.
Side 295 - I have lived to see the rights of men better understood than ever, and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have lost the idea of it. I have lived to see thirty millions of people indignant and resolute, spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice, their king led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects.
Side 563 - Upon that part of the plan which regards the King's real and personal property, the prince feels himself compelled to remark, that it was not necessary for Mr. Pitt, nor proper, to suggest to the prince, the restraint he proposes against the prince's granting away the King's real and personal property.
Side 219 - Highness understood too well the sacred principles which seated the house of Brunswick on the throne of Great Britain, ever to assume or exercise any power, be his claim what it might, not derived from the will of the people, expressed by their representatives, and their lordships in parliament assembled.