BOOK Bowood, and had not entered into any accurate

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or minute investigation of this business. But ministers must have been lost in the most criminal infatuation, if they had not prepared this great system with due and proper deliberation-if they had not made themselves masters of its bearings and tendencies. He placed the utmost reliance on the integrity and abilities of the nobleman now at the head of affairs in Ireland, and on those of his secretary. He was certain they would not disgrace themselves in a transaction to which they were in every respect equal. Delay he knew to be dangerous; something decisive must be done. If this were not the proper measure, what was to be substituted? Plausible objections might no doubt be adduced. It might be urged that the present system would be acceptable in neither kingdom;—that the author of it was too young, and was ignorant of what should constitute a minister ;-that if others more competent to this task had remained longer in office, things would have been better and more satisfactorily settled. It might be said, How, in the name of God, did this man contrive to elevate himself to the rank of a minister?" We must however take things as we found them. The most serious interests of both countries were at stake, and the most alarming consequences might attend the postponement of this business.”

The Irish resolution; were sent down from the

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lords to the commons the 19th of July, 1785. BOOK After much fresh and eager debate, the amend ments of their lordships were agreed to by the commons; and on the 28th of July an address was presented to the king by both houses of parliament, acquainting his majesty with the steps which had been taken in this affair; adding, “that it remained for the parliament of Ireland to judge of the conditions according to their wisdom and discretion, as well as of every other part of the settlement proposed to be established by mutual consent." The two houses now adjourned themselves to a distant day; and on the 30th of September, 1785, the parliament was prorogued by royal proclamation.

The amended propositions, increased to no less than twenty in number, having been transmitted to Ireland, Mr. Orde, on the 12th of August, moved for leave to bring in a bill for establishing the system of commercial intercourse therein contained. This minister defended the variations that now appeared, by alleging the natural progress of a measure of this nature. Ireland had, in the early part of the session, stated what she had thought herself entitled to claim, and Britain in return had declared what she was willing to concede. Mr. Orde averred, that the amendments and additions made by the British parliament to the original propositions did not in reality interfere with the prosperity of Ireland. Wishing, however, to fol

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BOOK low the example of mature deliberation given by England, it was his intention, after bringing in the bill and printing it, to pause, in order to learn the sentiments of the country respecting it. Let the house receive every petition that could be brought;. -let them listen to all the evidence that could be offered. On a comparison of the two sets of propositions, the magnitude and importance of the alterations strikingly appeared. By the third of the English resolutions, Ireland was virtually interdicted, even after the expiration of the charter of the East-India Company, from exporting articles to England, the growth and produce of any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan. By the same resolution, this interdiction was extended to arrack and foreign brandy; also to rums and other strong waters not imported from the British colonies in the West Indies. By the fourth resolution, it was declared to be highly essential that the laws for regulating trade and navigation should be the same in both countries; and, for that purpose, that all laws which have been made, OR SHALL BE MADE, in Great Britain, securing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British colonies and plantations, and for regulating and restraining the trade of the British colonies and plantations, such laws imposing the same restraints and conferring the same benefits on the subjects of both kingdoms, should

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be in force in Ireland, BY LAWS to be passed by the BOOK PARLIAMENT of that kingdom, for the SAME TIME and in the SAME MANNER as in GREAT BRITAIN.

By the fifth resolution, this legislative power of regulation and control was in like manner extended to all goods and commodities imported into Ireland from the British or foreign colonies in Africa and America. By the sixth and seventh resolutions, the commercial intercourse between the two kingdoms was incumbered with many burdensome and rigorous regulations respecting bonds, cockets, certificates, &c. in order effectually to repress all illicit practices apprehended from the circuitous commerce granted to Ireland. By the eighth, the regulating power of Britain is extended to all goods exported from Ireland to the British colonies in the West Indies, America, or the coast of Africa. By the ninth, Ireland is excluded, so long as the charter of the East-India Company shall exist, from trading to any port beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan; and during the continuance of the said charter, no goods of the growth, produce, or manufacture of India shall be allowed to be imported into Ireland but through Great Britain. By the fifteenth resolution, the bounties allowed by Great Britain on the exportation of beer to Ireland, and spirits distilled from corn, are expressly continued. By the sixteenth, it is provided, that all goods the

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BOOK produce of the North-American States, which are subject to higher duties on importation into Great Britain than the like goods the produce of the British colonies-such articles shall be subject to the same duties on importation into Ireland.

These were the grand and leading features of difference between the old propositions and the new and so great was the dissimilarity, that the Irish parliament seemed scarcely to recognize the traces of its own original creation. A general sentiment of amazement and indignation seemed to pervade the house; and the FOURTH RESOLUTION in particular, by which England assumed a power of legislative regulation and commercial control with respect to Ireland, was rejected with a kind of horror.

Mr. Grattan, who had supported the propositions in their primitive form, now exerted the whole force of his eloquence to expose them to the public scorn and detestation. "What," said this powerful orator," is this pretended equitable arrangement, but a plan to perpetuate to England all her advantages, and to Ireland all her disadvantages? Ireland is required to grant a monopoly of the trade of India to the present East-India Company during its existence, and to Great Britain for ever after. This is not a surrender of the political rights of the country, but of the natural prerogatives of man-not of the privileges of parliament,