XXII. 1785. parliament. BOOK least he called on the house to permit the printing of the bill, that the voice of the public might be heard respecting it; and not, like mutes in a seraglio, to strangle it on that day while in the act of challenging a fair and free trial and discussion." The bill was nevertheless with little ceremony rejected, on a division of 112 to 60 voices. Session of It is now proper to revert to the state of affairs in England. On the 24th of January (1785) the session was opened by a speech from the throne, the principal feature of which was the recommendation of the king to the two houses of parliament," to apply their earnest attention to the adjustment of such points in the commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland as are not yet finally arranged." The first business which proceedings on the attracted the notice of the house of commons was ster return. the state of the Westminster scrutiny, which had Further Westmin now existed for a period of eight months. In this time two parishes only had been scrutinized— the result was, that 105 votes had been struck off the poll of Mr. Fox, and 87 from that of sir Cecil Wray, the examination of which was not yet closed. Fifteen parishes more remained for future investi gation; so that there existed but little apparent probability that the question relative to the return would be decided before the next general election. The miserable imbecility of what was now for the first time dignified by the appella XXII. 1785. tion of the COURT OF SCRUTINY was exposed in BOOK the most sarcastic and contemptuous terms. The high-bailiff had no power to summon witnesses, to impose an oath, or to commit for contumacy. The scrutiny was evidently a mere personal act of revision, and the high-bailiff himself declared that he acted under the sole authority of the resolu tion of that house. Mr. Pitt, however, condescended to vindicate the proceedings of this mock judicature, and maintained, with unaltered countenance," that the expediency of the scrutiny was amply justified by the experiment." Mr. Fox, with generous and indignant warmth, replied, "that he well remembered the day when he congratulated the house on the acquisition of Mr. Pitt's splendid abilities; it had been his pride to fight in conjunction with him the battles of the constitution; he had been ever ready to recognize in the right honourable gentleman a formidable rival, who would leave him far behind in the pursuit of glory -but he had never expected that this rival would become his persecutor. He thought he had possessed an elevation of mind wholly incompatible with so low and grovelling a passion. He considered the present measure, with regard to Westminster, as a succedaneum to expulsion. The case of the Middlesex election, so much reprobated, had at least the merit of being more manly; for the XXII. BOOK procedure now adopted accomplished the same end of expulsion, without daring to exhibit any charge against the person expelled." 1785. The motion of Mr. Welbore Ellis, "that the high-bailiff do attend at the bar of this house," was at length negatived, February 9 (1785), by a majority of 174 to 135 voices. This being such a majority as by no means discouraged future efforts, a similar motion was soon after made by colonel Fitzpatrick: this was negatived by a majority of nine voices only. And on the 3d of March, being a third time repeated by Mr. Alderman Sawbridge, it was carried in the affirmative, ayes 162, noes 124; leaving the minister, and the veteran phalanx of courtiers and king's friends, in one of the most disgraceful minorities ever known in the British house of commons. Mr. Fox now, as member for Westminster, moved to expunge the resolutions of the 8th of June last, relative to this business, from the journals of the house; but the minister, now seriously alarmed, summoned all his strength to oppose this attempt to redeem the honour of the house thus wilfully and wantonly degraded: and on a division it was carried in the negative, ayes 139, noes 244. Fortunately for Mr. Pitt, the publie attention was quickly turned to another and higher subject of political discussion, in which he appeared in a light far different-such indeed as XXII tended to revive in his favour all the former flat- BOOK tering prepossessions of those who viewed the late proceedings in parliament with inexpressible regret and astonishment. 1785. ultimate On the 18th of April (1785) Mr. Pitt brought Mr. Pitt's forward his final plan for a reform in the repre- plan of par liamentary sentation, in some degree varying from his pre-reform. ceding attempts, and in all respects guarded, temperate, and judicious. "He rose (he said) with hopes infinitely more sanguine than he had ventured to entertain at any former period. There never was a moment when the minds of men were more enlightened on this interesting topic, or more prepared for its discussion. He declared his present plan of reform to be perfectly coincident with the spirit of those changes which had taken place in the exercise of the elective franchise from the earliest ages, and not in the least allied to the spirit of innovation. So far back as the reign of Edward I. before which the component orders of the representative body could not be distinctly traced, the franchise of election had been constantly fluctuating. As one borough decayed and another flourished, the first was abolished and the second invested with the right. Even the representation of the counties had not been uniform. King James I. in his first proclamation for calling a parliament, directed that the sheriffs should not call upon such decayed and ruined boroughs to BOOK send members to that parliament. For this dis XXII. 1785. cretion, as vested in the crown, he was certainly no advocate; but he wished to establish a permanent rule to operate like the discretion out of which the constitution had sprung-that the principle on which it was founded should be rescued from the accident and caprice in which it was unhappily involved. He wished to bring forward a plan that should be complete, gradual, and permanent-a plan that not only corrected the inequalities of the present system, but which would be competent to preserve the purity it restored, and give to the constitution not only consistency, but, if possible, immortality. Without a parliamentary reform (said this too prophetic statesman) the nation will be plunged into new wars; without a parliamentary reform you cannot be safe against bad ministers, nor can even good ministers be of use to you."-It was his design that the actual number of the house of commons should be preserved inviolate. His immediate object was to select a certain number of the decayed and rotten boroughs, the right of representation attached to thirty-six of which should be transferred to the counties, in such proportions as the wisdom of parliament might prescribe; and, that all unnecessary harshness might be avoided, he recommended the appropriation of a fund of one million to be applied to |