XXIV. 1792. BOOK pular ministers, expressing in the most flattering terms his obligations to his Britannic majesty for his impartial conduct, and making the most eager advances to the formation of a treaty of amity and alliance, Between our two countries (says the French monarch) new connections ought to take place. Lthink I see the remains of that rivalship which has done so much mischief to both daily wearing away. It becomes two kings who have distinguished; their reigns by a constant desire to promote the happiness of their people to connect themselves by such ties as will appear to be dura. ble in proportion as the two nations shall have clearer views of their own interests. I consider the success of the alliance, in which I wish you to concur with as much zeal as I do, as of the highest importance, I consider it as necessary to the stability of the respective constitutions, and the internal tranquillity of our two kingdoms; and: I will add, that our union ought to COMMAND PEACE to EUROPE." om, bool-45 cr Elizet It was indeed evident that at this period Eng. land might have commanded peace upon her own terms. Never did this country appear in a higher and more exalted point of view than at this moment; but, from that fatality which has governed almost invariably the counsels of the present reign, she suffered the glorious golden opportunity to pass by unnoticed and unimproved. The letter D 1 XXIV. 17-92 in question producing no sensible effect, in a few BOOK weeks a formal application was made by M. Chau, velin, on the part of the French monarch, to the king of England, " to interpose, and, by his wis, dom and influence, to avert, while it is still time, the progress of the confederacy formed against France, and which threatened the peace, the liberty, and the happiness of Europe." A distant and evasive answer was returned (July 8) after an interval of twenty days. "In the existing circumstances of the war now begun, his Britannic majesty affirmed, that the intervention of his counsels or of his good offices could not be of use unless they should be desired by all the parties interest, ed"*-not recollecting certainly the late spontane. ous interference in behalf of Sweden, or the still When ALL the parties in a war agree to desire the interposition of a neutral power, no friendly offices are wanted to bring them back to a pacific temper. Peace is almost as good as made when ALL the contending parties are disposed to desire it. The obvious duty of a common friend, the true po licy of a generous or even a prudent government is to employ its good offices, and to exert its influence with those powers which may be less inclined to views of moderation, to encou rage and promote a pacific disposition to favor that party which seems the readiest to listen to reasonable overtures, and to make concessions for the benefit of general accommodation. Such were the wise and honorable dutics of England when his majesty's mediation was solicited and refused.—Vide QUESTION STATED, by P. FRANCIS, ESQ. BOOK more recent armed mediation in favor of the Ottoman Porte. XXIV. · 1792. 1 From this moment the patriots of France saw clearly that the utmost they had to expect from the policy of the English government was a cold and suspicious neutrality. The inimical disposition of the court of England with respect to the French revolution, from the very commencement of it, was indeed perfectly well understood in France, but it was considered as restrained and counteracted by the caution of the minister and the favorable disposition of the nation. Nothing is more difficult to disguise than a rooted sentiment of affection or hatred. The most artful have their unguarded moments, but in this case scarcely did the English court condescend to affect concealment. Notwithstanding, however, as M. Dumouriez remarks, the extreme repugnance of the king of England to the new order of things in France, the English government conducted itself upon the whole at this period with moderation and sagacity. But soon, too soon, that system was destined to undergo a fatal and dreadful reverse. On the commencement of hostilities, M. Rochambeau was constituted commander-in-chief of the French armies, a separate command being conferred on M. de la Fayette. The war began with an unsuccessful atin the Low tack upon the cities of Tournay and Mons. M. Military operations Countries. XXIV. 1792. Rochambeau conceiving disgust at the conduct of BOOK the war minister, resigned his command to M. Luckner, a veteran officer, by birth a foreigner, and who had acquired great reputation in the German war of 1756, being then in the service of Hanover. The new general did not disappoint the expectations of the public. On the 18th of June the important town of Courtray surrendered to the arms of France; and the example of Cour tray was soon followed by Menin, Ypres, and St. Ghislain. But on a sudden, to the astonishment of the world, these conquests were evacuated, and the French armies retreated to their former sta tions in France. Mareschal Luckner subsequently declared that in this business he acted in strict conformity to the positive orders received from the king, who by this time had again adopted violent and dangerous counsels. Into this perpetual fluctuation of system there enters, without doubt, at least as much of imbecility as of treachery. Having no clear discernment of his own interest, and placing no reliance upon his own judgment, he was willing, in a situation of unparalleled difficulty, to make trial of any plan that came recommended to him from any quarter. It was truly said of him "La dernière venue avoit presque toujours raison avec lui." At the present crisis his characteristic weakness seemed to approach the limits of absolute infatuation. BOOK 1792. Astonish tion of the narch: On the 6th of June a decree passed the Assembly, on the suggestion of the Military Committee, for forming a camp of twenty thousand men in ing infatua- the vicinity of Paris. To this the king refused his French mo- sanction. The decree against the refractory clergy, which with some variations had a second time passed the Assembly, was also rendered ineffectual by the royal veto; and, to crown all, the king on the 12th of June announced in person to the Assembly the dismission of the popular ministers, Roland, Servan, and Clavière: and in a short time M. Dumouriez also resigned his office. Previous to this event M. Roland addressed that celebrated letter to the king, which, had it not been written otherwise in the fatal book of destiny, might have saved the monarch and the monarchy. "The fermentation is extreme (says this firm and vir tuous patriot) in the various parts of the empire; it will burst upon us with a DREADFUL EXPLOSION, unless it be calmed by a well-founded confidence in your majesty's intentions: but this confidence will not be established by mere promises and protestations it can rest upon facts only. The French nation know their constitution can sustain itself; that government will have all necessary aid whenever your majesty, wishing well to the constitution, shall support the legislative body by causing their decrees to be executed, and remove every pretext for popular dissatisfaction, and every hope of |