XXIV. 1792. tion of near 300,000l. would accrue to the revenue, BOOK In consequence of the general improvement of credit, the three-per-cents. would soon rise so high as to enable the parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as soon as by law redeemable, of the five-per-cents. which would add the sum of 700,000l. or little less, to the sinking fund. The indefinite additions which might be expected from the increasing produce of the existing taxes, the result of our rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all calculation. Our exports had risen onethird in value since the year 1783, i. e. from 14,741,000l. to 20,120,000l. and our internal trade had increased in at least an equal proportion. Thus shall we be enabled to make a swiftly accelerated progress in the essential work of liquidating the national debt, and in a very short space of time to reach a point which perhaps not long since was thought too distant for calculation. On the continuance of our present prosperity it is indeed impossible to count with certainty; but UNQUESTIONABLY there never was a time when, from the situation of Europe, we might more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the present moment." After developing with much ability and sagacity the hidden but operative springs of the returning prosperity of the country, the minister concluded with the following memor able words: "From the result of the whole I BOOK trust I am entitled to infer, that the scene which we are now contemplating is not the transient natural result of The season of our severe trial is at an end; and we are at length re lieved, not only from the dejection and gloom which a few years since hung over the country, but from the doubt and uncertainty which, even for a considerable time after our prospect had begun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes and expectations of the public. We may yet indeed be subject to those fluctuations which often happen in the affairs of a great nation, and which it is impossible to calculate or foresec; but as far as there can be reliance on human speculations, we have the best ground from the experience of the past to look with satisfaction to the present, and with confidence to the future. Nunc demum redit animus, cum non spem modo ac votum securitas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam et robur assumpserit." Such were the brilliant hopes which the nation was at this moment of exultation taught to indulge, and with such dazzling splendor rose the morn of a year destined to set in darkness, calamity, and blood! The papers relative to the Russian armament being laid on the table, Mr. Grey noticed several material omissions, and an entire chasm in the cor XXIV. 1792. respondence from October 31, 1790, to May 26, BOOK 1791, and moved " that the papers thus withheld be laid before the house." Mr. Pitt affirmed, that the papers called for by Mr. Grey were highly im proper to be produced. He did not think it con⚫sistent with good policy to disclose circumstances which might endanger the situation of our public alliances; and again urged the necessity of confidence in the executive government. Mr. Fox indignantly replied, "that the confidence of the nation was placed in their representatives; and if those to whom they had given their confidence should transfer that confidence to the minister, they were betrayed not represented. As to this pretended necessity of confidence, there need be nothing secret where there was nothing wrong; yet pending the negotiation with Russia they were kept in the dark, and, by a climax in confidence, when the negotiation was terminated, they were still denied information." In the course of the debate it was forcibly observed, in allusion to the projected war with Russia, "that it would require more eloquence even than that which had been lately employed in describing the prosperity of this country, to justify a measure which put its prosperity so much to the hazard." bread's mo On the evidence of the papers actually produced, Mr. Whitand the facts publicly ascertained, Mr. Whitbread tion of cenon the 27th of February (1792) moved a resolu-specting sure re Russia, XXIV. 1792. BOOK tion of censure on the ministers, importing "that Oczakow was not an object of sufficient importtance to justify the armed interference of this country." Mr. Whitbread said, "it was the most self-evident of all propositions, that no arrangement affecting Oczakow could in any way affect the political or commercial interests of Great Britain. We exported nothing thither, we imported nothing from it: the ostensible cause of the dispute, therefore, could not be the real cause. There was ground to believe the existence of a secret negotiation, by which Prussia flattered herself with the hope of obtaining Dantzic and Thorn as a compensation for permitting the empress of Russia to retain possession of Oczakow. It appeared that the empress had, so early as December 1789, requested the interference of Great Britain to effect a peace, upon the terms of extending her frontier to the Niester, and erecting the provinces of Moldavia, Bessarabia, and Wallachia, into an independent principality under a Christian prince. These terms were refused by the court of London, and the empress was told that no attention would be paid to any terms not resting upon the basis of a status quo. At length after blustering, threatening, and arming, came the humiliating memorial of the 29th of June, 1791, which at once conceded all that we had negotiated, threatened, and armed, to obtain." XXIV. 1792. The motion was ably supported by Mr. Grey, BOOK who remarked, "that since the affair of Holland the minister had become intoxicated with power, and fancied he could parcel out kingdoms and provinces at his pleasure. He seemed as much delighted with this idea as Don Quixote with books of chivalry, and amused hiniself with curvetting in this court, prancing in that, menacing here, vaunting there-in a word, out-Heroding Herod." Mr. Fox took a comprehensive view of the question, and dwelt with much energy and effect on the folly of making Oczakow a primary object of negotiation, and the inconsistency and disgrace of its subsequent abandonment. "Oczakow (said he) was every thing by itself; but when ministers added to Oczakow the honor of England, it became nothing. Oczakow and honor weighed nothing in the scale. Honor is, in the political arithmetic of ministers, a minus quantity to be 'subtracted from the value of Oczakow. Against the vain theories of men who project fundamental alterations upon grounds of mere speculative objection, the constitution may be easily defended; but when they recur to facts, and shew me how we may be doomed to all the horrors of war by. the caprice of an individual, who will not even condescend to explain his reasons, I can only fly to this house, and exhort you to rouse from your lethargy of confidence, into the active mistrust |