1789. It is no wonder that a revolution so extraordi- BOOK XXIII. nary, and which, notwithstanding certain unhappy concomitant irregularities and excesses, afforded so fair a prospect of future and permanent happiness, should excite great exultation amongst the friends of liberty in England. The first public demonstration of this appeared on the occasion of an anniversary meeting of a Whig association in the metropolis, known by the name of the Revolution Society, on the 5th of November, to celebrate the memory of that great monarch by whose heroic interposition, at a crisis of imminent danger, the laws and liberties of Great Britain were, under the favoring auspices of Heaven, XII. A public force is necessary only to give security to the rights of men and citizens. XIII. Public contributions ought to be divided equally among the members of the community, according to their several abilities. XIV. Every citizen has a right, by himself or his representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity and appropriation of public contributions. XV. Every community has a right to demand of its agents an account of their conduct. XVI. Every community, in which the separation of powers is not determined, nor a security of rights provided for, wants a constitution. XVII. The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity legally ascertained, and upon condition of a previous and just indemnity. XXIII. 1789. BOOK settled on a solid and permanent basis. Previous to the assembling of the members at the usual place of festive meeting, a sermon or discourse on "the Love of our Country" was preached to such as chose to hear, at a chapel belonging to the dissenters at the Old Jewry, by the famous Dr. Price; in which the primary principles of government were stated in a mode which the sanction of a century had rendered familiar in this country; and the great doctrines of liberty inculcated with all that emphasis and energy which characterized the pen of that distinguished and venerable patriot. "The improvement of the world depended," as the preacher affirmed, " on the attention given by men to this topic. Nor will mankind be ever as virtuous and happy as they are capable of being, till the attention to it becomes universal and efficacious. If we forget it, we shall be in danger of an idolatry as gross and stupid as that of the antient heathens, who, after fabricating blocks of wood or stone, fell down and worshipped them." At the conclusion of this discourse, in expatiating on the favorableness of the present time to all exertions in the cause of liberty, he broke out into the following eloquent exclamation-" What an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it and I could almost say, LORD! now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. I have lived to see a diffu XXIIL 1789. sion of knowledge which has undermined super- BOOK stition and error; I have lived to see the rights of men better understood than ever, and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have lost the idea of it. I have lived to see thirty millions of people indignantly and resolutely spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice; their king led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects.After sharing in the benefits of one revolution, I have been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, both glorious; and now methinks I see the ardor for liberty catching and spreading, and a general amendment beginning in human affairs -the dominion of kings changed for the dominion of laws, and the dominion of priests giving way to the dominion of reason and conscience. Be encouraged, all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its defence! The times are auspicious. Your labors have not been in vain. Behold kingdoms, admonished by you, starting from sleep, breaking their fetters, and claiming justice from their oppressors! Behold the light you have struck out, after setting America free, reflected to France, and there kindled into a blaze, that lays despotism in ashes, and warms and illuminates EuROPE!" Impressed with these noble and elevated senti--Congraments, the society, whose numbers on this occa-dress of the tulatory ad BOOK sion far exceeded those of any former anniversary, XXIII. 1789. Revolution ་ unanimously resolved, on the motion of Dr. Price, to offer, in a formal address, " their congratulations to the National Assembly, on the event of the late glorious revolution in France." This being transmitted by the chairman lord Stanhope, to the duke de la Rochefoucault, and laid by that distinguished nobleman before the Assembly, was received with loud acclamations. "It belonged (said the duke de la Rochefoucault in his reply) to Dr. Price, the apostle of liberty, to propose a motion tending to pay to liberty the fairest homage -that of national prejudices. In that address is seen the dawn of a glorious day, in which two adverse nations shall, contract an intimate union, founded on the similarity of their opinions, and their common enthusiasm for liberty." Also the archbishop of Aix, president of the National Assembly, transmitted to lord Stanhope, in a manner the most polite and flattering, the vote of the Assembly, relative to the address, stating, "that the Assembly was deeply affected with this extraordinary proof of esteem, and directing the president to express to the Revolution Society the lively sensibility with which the National Assembly had received an address breathing those sentiments of humanity and universal benevolence that ought to unite together, in all countries of the world, the true friends of liberty and the happiness of mankind." XXIIL 1790. volution re the king's Such was the general state of things, when the BOOK parliament of Great Britain was convened at n Westminster, January 21st, 1790. The king's Session of speech contained nothing remarkable. It slightly parliament. and ambiguously glanced on the affairs of France, in declaring "the internal situation of the dif ferent parts of Europe to have been productive of events which had engaged his majesty's most serious attention." But early indications appeared French reof the light in which the recent transactions in probated by Mr. that kingdom were viewed by the court. Lord Burke and Valletort, in moving the address, took occasion to friends. contrast the tranquil and prosperous situation of England with the anarchy and licentiousness of France, and to stigmatize the revolution in that kingdom as an event the most disastrous, and productive of consequences the most fatal, which had ever taken place since the foundation of the monarchy. This language was highly applauded by the old prerogative phalanx, distinguished by the appellation of the King's Friends. But these sentiments unfortunately were far from being confined to that inveterate and dangerous faction. Upon the debate which took place on February the 9th, relative to the army estimates, Mr. Burke argued in favor of a reduction of the peace establishment, from that state of perfect security which the nation at present enjoyed-professing that, on a review of all Europe, he " did not find that, |