XXIIL 1788. BOOK time when that assent could not possibly be given. But what were the consequences of these transactions? The kingdom was betrayed to its rivals, subjected to the mercy of a foreign enemy, and was not rescued from these disasters but by the injured and excluded prince, who possessed the most interesting qualities and the most fascinating manners, and who had attached to his cause the noblest spirits and the best abilities of his country. The propositions at length passed the commons by a large majority. But the contest in the house of lords was equally obstinate: and a protest was in the course of it entered (January 23) upon the journals of the house, signed by the dukes of York and Cumberland, and fifty-five other peers, expressive of their highest indignation at the restrictions on the executive authority thus arbitrarily imposed. A committee appointed by the two houses then presented in form the resolutions to the prince, 'who in somewhat indignant though not unguarded terms, declared his acceptance of them. He declared himself sensible of the difficulties that must attend the execution of the trust proposed to him, in the peculiar circumstances in which it was committed to his charge, of which (said his royal highness) as I am acquainted with no former example, my hopes of a successful administration cannot be founded on any past experience. And he expressed his confidence that the li XXIII. 1788. mitations on the exercise of the royal authority were BOOK intended by the two houses only as a temporary measure, founded on the loyal hope in which he ardently participated that his majesty's disorder might not be of long duration. On the next day, being the 31st January, lord Camden, with a view to restore, as his lordship expressed himself, "the efficacy of legislation," moved that the lord chancellor be directed, by authority of the two houses of parliament, to issue a commission in the name of the sovereign for opening the session, consisting of the princes of the blood and all the great officers of state. This finally passed both houses, not however without severe animadversion, as the unwarrantable creation of a pretended executive power, set up for the purpose of giving a false and deceitful sanction to measures the most unconstitutional: and the princes of the blood expressly refused to suffer their names to appear on this feigned commission. The session was accordingly opened in form by the lords commissioners upon the 3d February. The arguments on both sides being in the course of the former debates nearly exhausted, the introduction of the bill, founded on the propositions already agreed upon, did not excite any great or renewed attention. It passed the house of commons February 12, with some amendments and variations; the peerage clause in particular being XXIII. 1788. BOOK limited to three years. In the course of the succeeding week the bill had advanced, after encountering much unavailing opposition, to the stage of commitment, amidst very just and general apprehension as to the consequences. Wise conduct of the These extraordinary and unprecedented mea'sures were at length, happily for the public, arrested in their progress by an official information from the lord chancellor that the king was declared by his physicians to be in a state of convalescence. An adjournment of all farther proceedings in the bill immediately took place; and for near three weeks a total suspension of all parliamentary business ensued. This was followed by a declaration on the 10th of March, that his majesty, being perfectly recovered from his indisposition, had ordered a commission to be issued for holding the parliament in the usual manner. The tidings of the king's recovery diffused the most general and heartfelt satisfaction. A national thanksgiving was appointed, and the king himself went in solemn procession to the cathedral of St. Paul's, to offer up his grateful devotions on this event; which was celebrated throughout the kingdom by splendid illuminations, and all the other accustomed demonstrations of joy. The conduct of the Irish parliament in this buIrish parlia-siness formed a striking contrast to that of the specting the English; and was dictated by a policy the most ment re regency. XXIII. 1788. simple, obvious, and rational. On the ascertain- BOOK ment of the fact respecting the incapacity of the sovereign, Mr. Conolly moved, February 11, 1789, "That an address be presented to the prince of Wales, requesting him immediately to take upon himself the government of that kingdom as regent, during the continuance of the king's incapacity." This was carried WITHOUT A DIVISION. To this resolution the house of lords acceded. But the lord-lieutenant, the marquis of Buckingham (late Earl Temple), refusing, by a rash and hazardous exercise of discretion, to transmit this address to England, commissioners were appointed by both houses to present the address in person to his royal highness. The rapid and unexpected recovery of Perfect rethe king happily superseded the object of their the king. commission, But the prince in his reply declared, "that nothing could obliterate from his memory the sentiments of gratitude which he felt for their generous kindness.” Among the innumerable evils attending the mode of procedure adopted by the British parlia ment, one of the most formidable was the possible, and even probable, dissimilarity of the decisions of the two legislatures. Had the prince of Wales refused, under the degrading circumstances with which the offer of the regency was accompanied in England, to accept the government of the kinglom, there is good reason to believe that it would covery of XXIII. 1788. BOOK have been conferred upon the queen, while the prince would have been constituted regent of Ireland, with the usual powers of royalty. This would doubtless have given rise to a question of the most important, and at the same time of the most difficult, nature, viz. Whether Ireland, agreeably to the political compact subsisting between the two countries, could constitutionally emancipate herself from the executive government established in England, under whatever name, or by whatever persons, it might be exercised? Of this perplexing and dangerous question, the prudence of the prince, in accepting of the regency under all the concomitant humiliating restrictions of parliament, fortunately precluded not only the investigation, but even the mention. In the speech delivered by the chancellor in the name of the king to the two houses, his majesty conveyed to them his warmest acknowledgments for the additional proofs they had given of their attachment to his person, and their concern for the honor and interest of his crown. It soon appeared that the late proceedings of the ministry were in the highest degree acceptable to the sovereign: and those persons holding posts under the government, who had concurred in the measures of the opposition, were unceremoniously dismissed from their offices; amongst whom were the marquis of Lothian, the duke of Queensberry, lord Carteret, and lord Malmesbury. |